Four years ago, as Donald Trump departed the White House amidst chaos and the anger of his supporters in Congress protesting the election results and his loss, he declared that he would not "surrender" and would return to the presidency of America once again. The newly elected president, Donald Trump, has succeeded in his bet to return to the White House after what he describes as a "historic" victory over his Democratic opponent, Kamala Harris. The Republican president, who "dislikes pointless wars" but excels in the art of "diplomacy through phone calls in closed rooms," may induce significant transformations in the trajectory of many unresolved global issues in Europe, the Middle East, and elsewhere.

In Israel, the majority of the populace and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu view Trump's return to the presidency positively and confidently. They recall his decision to move the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem after recognizing it as the capital of Israel, as well as his acknowledgment of the Golan Heights as Israeli territory despite international resolutions affirming Syrian ownership. Netanyahu hopes that the new occupant of the White House will be more generous than his predecessor, Joe Biden, in providing political and diplomatic support against Iran and its proxies, achieving significant military and strategic gains that establish a new reality in the region, one that is difficult to negotiate regarding Palestinians, Arabs, and internationally.

Conversely, Iran has not paid "great attention" to Trump's return, as stated by its officials. However, some observers assert that the elected president will exert significant pressure on Tehran to compel concessions, particularly regarding its nuclear program and the militias it supports in the region. This calls for the Iranian leadership to open up and show sufficient flexibility in dealing with the new U.S. administration, especially while the country suffers from suffocating internal political and economic pressures due to imposed sanctions. This became evident in the statements of Iranian leaders, led by President Masoud Beizikian, to avoid "provoking" the new American administration while being cautious of any detrimental internal reactions, especially as Iran loses its regional leverage and grapples with a war against Israel.

For Turkey, the Republican victory and Trump’s election bring renewed "hope" for its ambitions, as President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan warmly welcomed the triumph of his "close friend" in the elections, expressing optimism for a better future in relations and fruitful coordination that serves the interests of both countries. This is especially true regarding terrorism issues (referring specifically to Turkey's concerns about the PKK and the Gülen movement), trade exchange, and military support. However, the complexities of the international and regional landscapes and the escalating frequency of conflicts may render this "optimism" misplaced compared to Trump’s first presidential term. During that previous term, he granted Turkey a green light in 2019 for military intervention in border areas like Ras al-Ayn and Tal Abyad, only to suddenly withdraw his forces and later threaten to impose sanctions on Turkey if it did not comply with the terms of the agreement.

Turkey, through statements from several of its officials, has begun to rearticulate its "concerns" about the ongoing U.S. support for the SDF and what it represents as a "threat to its national security," by waving its plan to "complete the safe zone along its southern border with Syria," as President Erdoğan remarked a few days ago. However, this Turkish ambition may clash with the U.S. desire to end conflicts in the region or with a "trade-off" in the Russian-Ukrainian file under American conditions in exchange for broader "delegation" for Russian maneuvers in the Syrian file coordinated with Israel and the Gulf states to pressure the Syrian regime to change its behavior and move away from the "axis of resistance" led by Iran, pushing it toward the "Arab moderation" axis with Arab-Gulf support in exchange for benefits concerning the regime's leadership and support for the "early recovery" project advocated by the UN special envoy Mr. Geir Pedersen, alongside Arab engagement with Bashar al-Assad and the provision of aid for reconstruction as an entry point towards a comprehensive political solution in accordance with Resolution 2254 and its implications concerning the political process in the Geneva track. Perhaps Turkey also recognizes this, which explains the repeated calls from its president and his readiness to meet with Bashar al-Assad to resolve the ongoing differences between them.

The hope remains for the Syrian people and the national Syrian opposition forces regarding the extent of the breakthrough that the new administration's directions may achieve in the wall of the "stalled" political process led by the United Nations to end the suffering of the Syrian people and realize their legitimate rights in a safe, stable, and democratic Syria governed by a constitution that preserves the rights of all its components.

**By Abdul Wahab Ahmed**