In a series of recent statements made by the leader of the new Syrian administration, Ahmad al-Shara, known as al-Julani, he presented a new vision regarding the administration's direction in the forthcoming phase, proposing promising political slogans that touch upon issues of change and reform. However, his statements have raised many questions and doubts among various groups, particularly ethnic and religious minorities, as well as among secular and liberal circles regarding the postponement of the constitution drafting and elections, in light of the previous practices of the authority and the opposition and the absence of genuine guarantees to protect rights.

**Postponement of the Constitution Drafting and Elections: Strengthening Control Instead of Change**
The postponement of drafting a new constitution and conducting elections for four years raises genuine fears that these steps are merely tools to reinforce his rule and establish control over the levers of power rather than achieving real political transition. What adds to the suspicion is the Syrian opposition's acceptance of this postponement, despite its ongoing criticism of the fallen regime that used similar pretexts to delay reforms and the political process and the drafting of the constitution. The constitution is not merely a legal document; it is a social contract, and the absence of this contract at this stage opens the door to fears of potential tyranny in the future that uses elections as a symbolic tool to entrench legitimacy.

Trust is Not Built on Slogans but on Practices
Trust cannot be built solely on slogans, especially for minorities and secular circles; it requires a clean political record and practices that reflect a commitment to democratic values. Al-Julani's past (Ahmad al-Shara) is known for his progression through extremist organizations listed as terrorist groups such as (Al-Qaeda, Jabhat al-Nusra, and then Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham). These organizations have been known for their extremist tendencies and a record of violations inside and outside Syria. Furthermore, the idea of cross-border jihad that al-Julani and his organization previously adopted, as confirmed by most leaders of the organization, including the head of its intelligence body, Anas Khattab, in his previous speeches and writings, reflects an ideology that is incompatible with the requirements of building a civil state that respects plurality and human rights.

One of the contentious points is the appointment of foreign officers within the Ministry of Defense and their promotion to high ranks, which reflects a stark contradiction to his demands to remove foreign elements from the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), regardless of the legitimacy of this demand. These practices showcase a clear duality in how the authority deals with the concept of national sovereignty and raise questions about the extent of the independence of the Syrian decision.

Moreover, the memory of the Syrian Kurds, burdened by wounds, remains vivid. The entry of Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham into the city of Ras al-Ain in 2012 and the subsequent support of the political opposition for the bombardment of Kurdish cities such as Afrin, Ras al-Ain, and Tal Abyad resulted in death, displacement, and demographic change. The violations committed by the factions with the support of the opposition, represented by the Syrian Coalition and the interim government, were not only framed in the context of the war on the Syrian Democratic Forces but also carried a systematic nature against the Kurds. The Kurdish issue was regarded as a security problem rather than acknowledging them as an integral component that must be protected. This sentiment was also reflected in the speeches of most leaders of the Syrian opposition, such as Asaad al-Zoubi and Haitham al-Malih, among others, who denied the existence of the Kurds and the legitimacy of their cause in Syria.

The Duality of Syrian Opposition Positions and Its Impact on Kurdish Trust in the New Administration in Damascus
The positions of the Syrian opposition reflect a clear duality in dealing with national issues, undermining trust in them and raising questions about their credibility. While the American and Russian presence is classified as occupation, the Turkish intervention is viewed as liberation. Similarly, the entry of "Free Syrian Army" factions into Afrin and Ras al-Ain is considered liberation, while the operations to liberate Raqqa and Deir ez-Zor are labeled as occupation. Foreign elements' presence within organizations like "Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham" and the opposition military factions is accepted, whereas their presence within the Syrian Democratic Forces is rejected, not to mention the different approaches to dealing with killings, torture, and the displacement of hundreds of thousands of residents from Afrin and Ras al-Ain, which are either justified or overlooked, while limited violations according to UN reports against dozens or hundreds in SDF-controlled areas are condemned as serious violations. (Regardless of my belief in the necessity of condemning violations committed by the Syrian Democratic Forces, a violation is condemned whether it is against individuals or groups.)

A Final Word

The experiences of previous Arab revolutions in countries such as Libya, Yemen, Iraq, and Sudan show a frightening pattern; these countries went through periods of relative calm in the early stages of regime collapse, but later transformed into conflicts and civil wars due to the failure to address the root causes of structural problems and societal challenges.

Therefore, all Syrians, especially the current administration, must recognize the importance of learning from these experiences and work seriously to build a just state that guarantees the rights of all its components. Otherwise, repeating the same mistakes may lead Syria to a similar fate. The greatest challenge lies in respecting ethnic and religious diversity and providing the necessary guarantees to achieve a unified, decentralized state characterized by justice and equality.

Levant: Majid Dawy / Political Activist