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A lesson for Lebanon from 1957 Syria

Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan then explained his country’s position, saying: “I think we have come to the conclusion that dealing with Lebanon and its current government is not productive and not helpful with Hezbollah’s continuing dominance of the political scene.” He added that severing diplomatic ties with Lebanon aims at pushing the country “in the direction of real change.”
An uphill battle
It is hard to see how Saudi Arabia can impose that change, however, if it is no longer financially capable of bankrolling Hezbollah opponents, and nor is it diplomatically present in Lebanon. Far from bringing about change, the Gulf walkout will only strengthen the hands of Iranian allies in Lebanon—namely Hezbollah—who already control the presidency through their ally President Michel Aoun, and the speakership of parliament, through their other ally Nabih Berri. In addition to commanding arsenal of sophisticated weapons, which makes them stronger than the Lebanese Army, it currently holds a parliamentary bloc of 13 seats and is represented in the Lebanese cabinet with two portfolios.
Hezbollah is expected to either maintain that representation, or raise it in the upcoming parliamentary elections scheduled for next March. Seven months later, they plan to nominate their ally Suleiman Frangieh to the presidential seat at Baabda Palace, once Aoun’s term expires in October 2022. Scion of a leading Maronite political family and grandson of a former president, Frangieh is a ranking member of the Hezbollah-led March 8 Coalition who nominated George Qordahi for the Ministry of Information last September. With no physical presence in Lebanon, Saudi Arabia has little hope of influencing that election.
Over the years, Saudi Arabia has to clip Iran’s wings in Lebanon, with no avail. It supported their opponents in Lebanese politics, starting with the Future Movement of former Prime Minister Saad al-Hariri onto the Lebanese Forces of Samir Gagegea. In 2006 it voted for UNSCR 1701, which calls for monopolizing arms in the hands of the Lebanese state and pushing all non-state players away from the Lebanese-Israeli borders. In 2008, it backed then-Prime Minister Fouad al-Siniora, who tried to dismantle Hezbollah’s telecommunications network at Rafik al-Hariri International Airport, only to suffer a violent backlash from Hezbollah. At the time, Hezbollah militants stormed the Lebanese capital, picking up the handful of armed men who had shown up on the streets to confront them, while Hasan Nasrallah famously threatened to “cut the hand” of whoever tries to hamper with Hezbollah arms.
Lack of reliable partners
Once of the reasons why none of the above worked was because Saudi Arabia had no reliable Sunni Muslim ally in Lebanon after the 2005 assassination of Prime Minister Rafik al-Hariri. His son and political heir, Saad al-Hariri, has proven too weak to stand up to Hezbollah and on the contrary, sometimes found himself leaning on them for support in Lebanese domestics. Last year, for example, they supported his candidacy for the premiership, against the will of their allies in the Free Patriotic Movement (FPM). More recently they found a common enemy in Lebanese judge Tarek Bitar, who is handling investigation into the Beirut port explosion of August 2020, which killed over 230 people and tore down half of the Lebanese capital. Bitar drew up a list of suspects all accused of “criminal negligence” that led to the port explosion, which included ex-Interior Minister Nouhad Machnouk (a Hariri protégé) and Ali Hasan Khalil and Ghazi Zuetier (members of the Amal Movement allied to Hezbollah). Both Hariri and Nasrallah see eye-to-eye when it comes to Judge Bitar, calling for his removal, giving them plenty of room to collaborate within the complex web of Lebanese politics.
For lack of better alternative, the Saudis have continued to work with Hariri, albeit reluctantly. It is an open secret in Lebanon that Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince Mohammad Bin Salman (MBS) thinks poorly of him and has repeatedly refused to grant him an audience. Meanwhile Riyadh has tried building bridges with other Sunni figures like General Ashraf Rifi, former director of Internal Security and current premier Najib Mikati, who is a lifelong friend of Saudi Arabia. Rifi agreed to take on Hezbollah, but lacked the manpower, support base, and money for such an undertaking, whereas Mikati simply refused to confront the Iran-backed party, realizing that he is no match for them. In fact, it was Hezbollah’s last minute approval that had brought him to power twice, first in 2011 and now in 2021, giving him no reason to complain.
Gagegea: An unorthodox ally
The Saudis also tried to support Shiite dissidents like Hezbollah’s former secretary-general Subhi Tufayli, who tried and failed to penetrate Hasan Nasrallah’s powerbase in southern Lebanon and within the Shiite community at large. Others Lebanese came up and offered their services to Saudi Arabia, like Samir Gagegea, who has steadily been marketing himself as their ally in Christian politics, with an axe to grind with Hezbollah. Last month his forces came to blows with Hezbollah in Ayn El Rummaneh, the old neighborhood of Beirut from which the Lebanese civil war back in 1975. Six people were killed, all being Shiites. Gagegea made two points clear: that his men were armed, and that they were ready for battle, and if needed, another civil war to fight Hezbollah.
But unless they receives funds and weapons to fight, whether from Saudi Arabia or elsewhere, Gagegea’s supporters stand no change in a military confrontation since they are no match for Hezbollah fighters. They are far less organized, armed, and indoctrinated, and would easily been annihilated in any head-on confrontation.
A lesson from Syria, 1957.
Saudi Arabia’s walkout might signal another approach, however, being complete disengagement from Lebanon so that the country sinks into total chaos, allowing Hezbollah and Iran to shoulder blame for its collapse and responsibility for its resurrection, which will take years. It will also take plenty of money, which Iran does not have.
That’s what the Americans did with Syria after all, not today, but back in 1957. At the time, the Eisenhower Administration raised red flags over Syria, claiming that the country was inching dangerously close to becoming a Soviet satellite. A communist MP had just been voted into parliament, becoming the first communist parliamentarian in the Arab World, while Syria’s president had visited Moscow and its defense minister had signed off a $700 million economic and military agreement with the Soviet government. The Syrian government had also exchanged ambassadors with communist China, signed economic deals with Romania, and was sending students to study in East Germany. The CIA tried staging a coup to turn the tide and topple pro-Soviet politicians in Damascus, and when that failed, it decided to severe diplomatic relations with Syria.
The American ambassador James Moose was withdrawn and his Syrian counterpart Farid Zayn al-Din was expelled from Washington DC. That was just months after Damascus had expelled the British and French ambassadors over the 1956 Suez Canal War. As a result, only one embassy remained open and active in Damascus, being that of the Soviet Union. Soviet influence reached its apex during the late 1950s, accumulating with an ill-fated union with Gamal Abdul Nasser of Egypt in 1958, a staunch ally of the USSR. Far from encouraging democracy, free trade, and economic liberalization, the union republic introduced socialism and authoritarianism to Syria, positioning it permanently within the Eastern Bloc for what remained of the Cold War.
The same might happen to Lebanon…
by: Sami Moubayed

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BENEFIT AGM approves 10%...
- March 27, 2025
BENEFIT, the Kingdom’s innovator and leading company in Fintech and electronic financial transactions service, held its Annual General Meeting (AGM) at the company’s headquarters in the Seef District.
During the meeting, shareholders approved all items listed on the agenda, including the ratification of the minutes of the previous AGM held on 26 March 2024. The session reviewed and approved the Board’s Annual Report on the company’s activities and financial performance for the fiscal year ended 31 December 2024, and the shareholders expressed their satisfaction with the company’s operational and financial results during the reporting period.
The meeting also reviewed the Independent External Auditor’s Report on the company’s consolidated financial statements for the year ended 31 December 2024. Subsequently, the shareholders approved the audited financial statements for the fiscal year. Based on the Board’s recommendation, the shareholders approved the distribution of a cash dividend equivalent to 10% of the paid-up share capital.
Furthermore, the shareholders endorsed the allocation of a total amount of BD 172,500 as remuneration to the members of the Board for the year ended 31 December 2024, subject to prior clearance by related authorities.
The extension of the current composition of the Board was approved, which includes ten members and one CBB observer, for a further six-month term, expiring in September 2025, pending no objection from the CBB.
The meeting reviewed and approved the Corporate Governance Report for 2024, which affirmed the company’s full compliance with the corporate governance directives issued by the CBB and other applicable regulatory frameworks. The AGM absolved the Board Members of liability for any of their actions during the year ending on 31st December 2024, in accordance with the Commercial Companies Law.
In alignment with regulatory requirements, the session approved the reappointment of Ernst & Young (EY) as the company’s External Auditors for the fiscal year 2025, covering both the parent company and its subsidiaries—Sinnad and Bahrain FinTech Bay. The Board was authorised to determine the external auditors’ professional fees, subject to approval from the CBB, and the meeting concluded with a discussion of any additional issues as per Article (207) of the Commercial Companies Law.
Speaking on the company’s performance, Mr. Mohamed Al Bastaki, Chairman BENEFIT , stated: “In terms of the financial results for 2024, I am pleased to say that the year gone by has also been proved to be a success in delivering tangible results. Growth rate for 2024 was 19 per cent. Revenue for the year was BD 17 M (US$ 45.3 Million) and net profit was 2 Million ($ 5.3 Million).
Mr. Al Bastaki also announced that the Board had formally adopted a new three-year strategic roadmap to commence in 2025. The strategy encompasses a phased international expansion, optimisation of internal operations, enhanced revenue diversification, long-term sustainability initiatives, and the advancement of innovation and digital transformation initiatives across all service lines.
“I extend my sincere appreciation to the CBB for its continued support of BENEFIT and its pivotal role in fostering a stable and progressive regulatory environment for the Kingdom’s banking and financial sector—an environment that has significantly reinforced Bahrain’s standing as a leading financial hub in the region,” said Mr. Al Bastaki. “I would also like to thank our partner banks and valued customers for their trust, and our shareholders for their ongoing encouragement. The achievements of 2024 set a strong precedent, and I am confident they will serve as a foundation for yet another successful and impactful year ahead.”
Chief Executive of BENEFIT; Mr. Abdulwahed AlJanahi commented, “The year 2024 represented another pivotal chapter in BENEFIT ’s evolution. We achieved substantial progress in advancing our digital strategy across multiple sectors, while reinforcing our long-term commitment to the development of Bahrain’s financial services and payments landscape. Throughout the year, we remained firmly aligned with our objective of delivering measurable value to our shareholders, strategic partners, and customers. At the same time, we continued to play an active role in enabling Bahrain’s digital economy by introducing innovative solutions and service enhancements that directly address market needs and future opportunities.”
Mr. AlJanahi affirmed that BENEFIT has successfully developed a robust and well-integrated payment network that connects individuals and businesses across Bahrain, accelerating the adoption of emerging technologies in the banking and financial services sector and reinforcing Bahrain’s position as a growing fintech hub, and added, “Our achievements of the past year reflect a long-term vision to establish a resilient electronic payment infrastructure that supports the Kingdom’s digital economy. Key developments in 2024 included the implementation of central authentication for open banking via BENEFIT Pay”
Mr. AlJanahi concluded by thanking the Board for its strategic direction, the company’s staff for their continued dedication, and the Central Bank of Bahrain, member banks, and shareholders for their valuable partnership and confidence in the company’s long-term vision.
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